Abstract
Strong village cohesion exhibits a positive dialectical relationship with external threats, particularly in frontier regions. Chengzi Village, as a typical defensive village, was a crucial area for the administrative governance of the southwestern region by the ancient central dynasties. The broad temporal span of construction reflects the integration of Han culture into the development trajectory of Yi ethnic villages in southwest China. Based on the context of ethnic integration and the Gemeinschaft theory, the study adopts the framework of “macro-meso-micro” to explore the defensive traits of five communities formed across different historical periods within the village. It finds that dynamic integration by opening a coexistent “passage” between internal ethnicities plays a key role in the sustainable survival of a Gemeinschaft. It provides concrete examples beyond theoretical discussions for understanding the manifestation of the Gemeinschaft in the empirical world, and offers references for the conservation and revitalization of defensive village heritage.
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Introduction
The spatial morphology with defensive attributes of a village Gemeinschaft (community) not only refers to an indestructible spatial function but also a comprehensive manifestation of the historical contexts, power relations, cultural ideologies and diplomatic negotiation. It is the ethical reflection of ethnic groups in seeking survival and security when confronting external threats, and also a pivotal medium for ethnic communication in the frontier areas. Southwest China, especially Yunnan Province, is the fold zone between Southeast Asia and China1, and is also one of the Chinese regions with the most extensive distribution of ethnic minorities2, serving as a key area for observing multi-ethnic integration. Chengzi Village, situated in Honghe Hani-Yi Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan, during the historical periods of the Dian Kingdom (277 BC~115 BC), the Nanzhao Kingdom (738~902 AD), the Dali Kingdom (937~1253 AD), and the imperial province (Ming-Qing dynasty), is consistently played a pivotal role in external defense3, making it a highly representative and valuable subject for research. During the Ming-Qing period, the village served as one of the administrative centers in the southwestern regions of the central imperial dynasties. The political construction and military migration throughout history led to the reconstruction of the local communities under the dominance of Han culture. The original Yi people gradually accepted Han culture from the Central Plains and integrated these cultures through spatial expressions. Conversely, the traditional defensive construction methods of the Han people were also transformed, leading to the creation of a frontier-Han community model. This process promoted the formation of defensive Gemeinschaft.
A majority of current studies tend to explore the history of defensive ethnic villages from the perspective of textual analysis4, but the truth of history often extends beyond written records, residing more profoundly within the spaces that embody it. Also, there is a lack of studies discussing the differences of spatial applications within a traditional defensive Gemeinschaft at the frontier, resulting from ethnic integration. This necessitates considering specific geographical environments and historical contexts to uncover the interaction processes among frontier ethnic groups and the logic underlying their spatial organization. Chengzi Village, as a typical defensive Gemeinschaft, the extensive temporal span of village construction authentically reflects the integration of Han Chinese culture into the development trajectory of the construction of Yi ethnic villages in the southwestern region. Studying its spatial-temporal evolution not only provides concrete examples beyond theoretical discussions for understanding the manifestation of the Gemeinschaft in the real world, but also offers important insights into how a “Gemeinschaft of Yi-Han ethnic” achieves survival and development through spatial organization in the context of multi-ethnic coexistence and defense. This study integrates spatial syntax, GIS and historical document analysis, adopting a spatial perspective to focus on comparing five communities within the village formed during different historical periods. A multi-level analysis is conducted from the macro-level of geographical patterns, meso-level of road networks, and micro-level of dwelling layouts, as these dimensions are closely intertwined with daily life and serve as essential carriers for implementing defensive measures. The conclusion offers significant comprehension of the cultural integration between the Han and Yi ethnic groups and provides a robust theoretical foundation for local heritage conservation and revitalization efforts.
Methods
Literature review
Gemeinschaft theory states that “Community is tradition; society is change”5. The traditional village represents the earliest prototype of Gemeinschaft6,which is an organic social community composed of a certain population size and consisting of landscape, roads, buildings, etc. Aristotle (325 BC) from the perspective of city-state governance, proposed that a community is a group formed for the purpose of “common goods”7, emphasizing shared attributes. The concept of “Gemeinschaft” (community) was first constructed by Ferdinand (1887), it describes a social relationship based on emotional ties, traditional customs, and common beliefs8. Weber (1921) proposed the concepts of household community, neighborhood community, and clan community from the perspective of social relationships9, further categorizing the types of communities. Gemeinschaft does not imply complete uniformity in internal structures but rather the maintenance of an open “passage” among members, providing a fundamental space for coexistence10, thereby transcending the concept of community as a mere pursuit of homogeneity.
On the other hand, defensive villages are not only physical spatial forms designed to address external threats but also reflections of survival ideology. Previous studies on defensive villages have devoted to the defensive boundary11, soundscape defense12,13, defensive spatial texture14, visual defensive landscape15, and defensive architecture16,17, and they have predominantly employed methods of observation, interviews, statistical calculations18,19, etc.
Currently, research on Yi ethnic villages is mostly limited to descriptions of material space, focusing on technical aspects such as the ecological architecture20, fire safety21, and building materials22 of Tuzhangfang. Certain studies also conduct cross-geographical analyses of the settlement distribution patterns and spatial differences between frontier Yi ethnic settlements23,24. However, few studies have integrated space characteristics with the underlying social, cultural, political, and psychological factors, which reveal the mechanisms and inherent logic of ethnic interaction within space. On the other hand, some studies have made valuable theoretical contributions to topics such as spatial cognition25, cultural attachment26, and ethnic identity27 in Yi villages, they lack of analyzed these issues in conjunction with the specific spatial defensive demands. For instance, to reveal the dynamic evolution of multi-ethnic coexistence within specific geographical and historical contexts, as well as its interaction with the spatial environment in the frontier areas.
Due to their unique geopolitical ___location, frontier defense villages often become places of frequent interaction between different ethnic groups. In the face of external threats, groups from diverse cultural backgrounds within a village must adapt internally to establish new spatial structures by reducing the defensive barriers between communities to facilitate internal integration. Consequently, the defensive spatial attributes can serve as a bond connecting disparate internal groups, thereby achieving the objective of presenting a united front externally.
Data collection
Integrating qualitative research into quantitative research has become an increasingly prominent interdisciplinary strategy. The article primarily gathers firsthand data on the “nature of the ___location they inhabit” through historical document analysis, observation and field case studies. Eight researchers conducted a long-term field investigation, including topographical surveying, spatial measurement, and aerial photography using drones. Through collaboration with local township government staff, the team collected house boundaries, construction years and historical background information about the dwellings. All of the figures in the paper were created and photographed by the authors. Besides, this study includes no clinical or animal experimental design so that ethics approvement is not applicable in it.
Case study
After Qin Shi Huang (First Emperor of China, 259~210BC) unified China, the ancient Five-Foot Way (五尺道) was built, which is the oldest official road connecting Yunnan and Central China28, it opened up a conduit for cultural exchange. The large-scale migration of Han people to Yunnan began in the Western Han period29, in 109 BC, Emperor Wu of Han conquered the Dian Kingdom, and subsequently established administrative districts, Han officials were dispatched here. In 1253, Kublai Khan conquered the Dali Kingdom30, and, Yunnan was officially designated as an administrative region in 127631. The Mongol-Yuan administration governed local society through the royal family of Dali, thereby forming the Native Chieftain System32 (named tuguan 土官 in the Mongol-Yuan dynasty, and tusi 土司in the Qing dynasty), in which the central government granted official powers to the local ethnic leaders of indigenous communities.
In 1382, the Ming army conquered Yunnan, and continued the Native Chieftain System33. During the Yongzheng period of the Qing Dynasty (1726), the Central Dynasty promulgated the policy of “transforming chieftainships into appointed officials” (Gaitu guiliu, 改土归流)34, in which a standard imperial bureaucrat replaced the hereditary system of native chieftains35. Also, the administration established the basic unit of the Wei-Suo military system (卫所)36. A large number of Han soldiers and officials immigrated here, responsible for cultivation (Tuntian, 屯田)18,37, gradually forming traditional settlements with a defensive function. Han culture began to disseminate towards the southwestern regions, leading to a significant transformation in local Yi culture38.
In the geographical overview, the village is built on the eastern hillside with 5.59 square kilometers of constructed land and 4023 acres of cultivated land, and is situated at an elevation of approximately 1500 m, located on the slopes of Phoenix Mountain, which rises about 200 m (Fig. 1a). The terrain trends high in the southwest and low in the northeast, about 1000 dwellings built following the topography and contour lines39, spreading naturally from the top to the surroundings like a phoenix’s tail. Feng-Shui (geomancy) as a site selection art has existed in East Asia for more than 3000 years40. The most representative geomancy book written by ethnic Han, “Yangzhai Shishu” (Ten chapters on yang house, published between 1368 and 1644 CE), emphasizes that the ideal site selection model should have the hill of Azure Loong on the east and the hill of White Tiger on the west (左青龙右白虎), and the hill range to the east often needs to be taller than the one to the west. The image of Loong stands for power and auspicious, and the Tiger has the meaning of protection and brave41, which were used to suppress evil spirits in the Chinese traditional landscape layout. Also, it should have slightly raised topography (Vermillion Bird) on the south and highest undulating mountains (Black Tortoise) on the north (上朱雀下玄武)42. The Vermillion Bird represents the imagery of warm and brightness, and the Black Tortoise symbolizes safety and stability. Meanwhile, there should have a river flowing in front of the settlement43. In sum, this structure of layout can help the village to avoid the piercing north wind and accumulate “Qi” (energy) from the surrounding water and mountains (Fig. 1b).
a Road elevation. b Skyline at the entrance to the village. c The brid’s eye view of Feifeng Hill.
To the east of Chengzi Village is Longpan Mountain, to the west is Yuping Mountain, to the north is Furong Mountain, and to the south is Jinding Mountain (Fig. 1c). The hinterland is backed by Phoenix Mountain, and a river flows directly in front of the village, which irrigates the farmland. The grazing area is located on the top of the mountain for visual surveillance. Overall, the village faces water (shui) and back against the mountain, and the surrounding mountain are high enough to block the cold northern winds while allowing the warm southern winds to enter (feng). It meets the requirement of “Cangfeng Juqi” (concealing wind and gathering Qi, 藏风聚气) in Feng-shui theory which shows the landscape pattern of “grazing land - settlement - agricultural land” from higher to lower elevations.
Furthermore, it has been verified that Chengzi Village is identified as the archaeological site of the Ziqi Kingdom (1100~1259 AD), and five communities formed with a significant temporal span in their construction. According to statistics from the local township government, there are mainly Yi and Han ethnic living here, currently 919 traditional dwellings. The temporal order of the communities unfolded in the order of the Xiaolongshu 24 families (abbr. 24 families), early dwellings, big battalion, and small battalion (Fig. 2), developing from southwest to northeast. The military units, organized as battalions (Ying, 营), originated from the evolution of the Wei-Suo system established by the Ming Dynasty36, which refers to the infantry regiment. Subsequently, spurred by the local economic growth, the construction of new buildings commenced in the southern area.
The overall spatial layout of the village.
The original community of 24 families (CO1) is a settlement for the ancestors of the Yi people44. Due to its strategic ___location at the junction of eastern Yunnan and southwestern Guizhou, the community was surrounded by several minority regimes, such as the Dali kingdom, where issues of resource allocation and power struggle prevail among tribal alliances. The Chengzi Village began to show a certain degree of defensiveness. Subsequently, facing garrisons and resource requisitions imposed by the Yuan military, internal conflicts arose between local powers and the central authority, which led to the establishment of the Native Chieftain System. During this period, external threats were relatively minor, as the Yuan dynasty itself was the conqueror. The primary disturbances were limited to small-scale cross-border tribal incursions resulting from trade with Southeast Asia. Before the Ming dynasty, the defensive attributes of Chengzi Village were not particularly pronounced, especially concerning measures aimed at countering threats from beyond the national borders.
During the Ming dynasty, the region had been under the administration of an empire based on Han culture from Central Plains. The area of early dwellings (CO2) emerged during the Ming Dynasty. A representative edifice is the native chieftain’s mansion located at the mountaintop, constructed in the ninth year of the Chenghua era (AD 1473). However, it was later destroyed by fire and now stands as a local temple after renovations, so this article does not delve into the study. Although the social structure of the Yi people during this period was still centered on the Tusi family, Han immigrants began to move in through army farming (Tuntian). As a result, some local conflicts occurred between the new residents and the indigenous people over the distribution of land resources, which was an inevitable period in the early stages of multi-ethnic integration. Externally, due to the southern movements of the northern Wala and Tatar45 as well as the harassment from Southeast Asian regions, the village began extensive construction of defensive fortifications.
The gazetteer of Luxi county (Luxi Xianzhi, 泸西县志) records that “By the Ming-Qing dynasty, the policy of ‘transforming chieftainships into appointed officials’ replaced the hereditary chieftain system, led to a large influx of Han Chinese into this region”. In the context of the abolition of the Native Chieftain System, the big battalion (CO3) was formed under the Qing Dynasty’s immigration policy, resulting in a mixed habitation of Yi and Han ethnicities, which was a transitional stage in ethnic integration. During this period, the defensive measures were primarily aimed at countering the expansion of the Burmese Konbaung Dynasty along the Yunnan border46. The Chengzi Village began to establish beacon towers, artillery platforms, etc., thereby further enhancing its defensive capabilities. The small battalion (CO4) was developed in the late Qing period, by which time the Han Chinese had become the most populous ethnic group in Yunnan, extensively disseminating Confucian culture and agricultural techniques, multi-ethnic integration was extensively promoted throughout the Southwest region. In the late 19th century, as Yunnan became one of the primary targets for foreign powers seeking to infiltrate China47, leading to increased pressure on border security. Consequently, the village’s defensive capabilities were significantly reinforced, with a primary focus on external defense.
Political regime changes, ethnic relations, and geopolitical factors have collectively shaped the historical trajectory of Chengzi Village, influencing its social structure and cultural characteristics, and establishing it as a prototypical defensive Gemeinschaft along the southwestern frontier. In the 21st century, to foster the tourism industry, the local government constructed a group of new buildings (CO5) to the southwest of the 24 families, adhering to the architectural style of Tuzhangfang, thus creating the fifth community.
Chengzi Village still retains the most well-preserved Tuzhangfang (Soil-Palm Houses), with a history spanning more than a thousand years (Fig. 3a). It primarily constructed from stone, adobe, wood, and straw39. Most of the them are two-story dwellings, with the main structures embedded into the hillside. The dwellings are interlocked and closely fitted by rooftops48, with one house’s rooftop serving as the courtyard for another house above (Fig. 3b).
a Key spatial nodes. b Stereoscopic traffic flow visualization.
The dwellings that have been selected in this article are all typical courtyard-style and high-standard Tuzhangfang, with each of the four dwellings located in each community and constructed during different periods. This approach enables a comprehensive understanding and comparison of defensive structures. The author has developed a coding system, and the description is provided in Table 1.
Meng’s house is the oldest dwelling among all selected cases, located in the community of 24 families (Fig. 4a). Yang’s house, situated in the community of early dwellings (Fig. 4b), was built during the Ming-Qing dynasty when Han people began to migrate here. Zhao’s house, located in the community of the big battalion (Fig. 4c), was constructed during the peak development period of Chengzi Village (late Qing Dynasty). All three dwellings above are two-story Tuzhangfang and are the well preserved.
a Meng’s house, b Yang’s house, c Zhao’s house, and d Li’s mansion.
Li’s mansion, located in the small battalion, was established during the Xianfeng Period of the Qing Dynasty and is the largest house in the village. The dwelling features a three-courtyard architectural style that signifies the cultural integration. The dwelling is oriented east to west, with two parts constructed along the central axis. The northern part serves as a one-courtyard style house for servants, consisting of a single floor. The southern part is the owner’s house, featuring a staggered three-story design to adapt to the terrain. These two parts are separated by CD1 and CD2 (Fig. 4d), with the main entry doors transitioning through the stairs.
Spatial measurements
The authors analyze different communities at the levels of “macro-meso- micro”, focusing on geographic patterns, road networks, and typical dwelling layouts. The accessibility analysis, as well as the kernel density analysis, are completed through the geographic information system. The space syntax49 is employed to quantify defensive characteristics for comparative studies. Indicators such as integration, choice, NACH, NAIN, synergy and step depth are selected to explore the defensive features in various communities (Table 2). Convex space is a graphical representation used to analyze spatial structures50, p. 92], and it are created by AutoCAD. The article conducts a comparative analysis of four typical courtyard-style dwellings, to comprehensively analysis the defensive characteristics of layouts across different periods (Fig. 5a). The axial map is generated from ArcGIS, while it has been converted into a segment map in Depthmap, enabling Angular Segment Analysis, which provides a more precise understanding of spatial flow characteristics, particularly capturing how angles affect movement decisions. Most of the analysis is done in Depthmap+Beta 10.0 and ArcGIS 10.8.2, and part of the data analysis is completed in IBM SPSS 27.
a Topological diagram. b Connectivity.
The indexes of integration and choice can identify the centrality of a space51. Integration measures the degree of aggregation52, with values greater than 1.0 representing compact spaces, and values between 0.4 and 0.6 implying relatively discrete and isolated spaces53. Choice examines the frequency of the shortest paths between all spatial units in the circulation process54, with higher values indicating that a space is more likely to be traversed.
On the other hand, since this study aims to compare the street networks of five communities with varying scales and levels of complexity, normalization becomes an essential step. To ensure comparability across different datasets, we adopt two normalized metrics, NAIN (Normalized Angular Integration) and NACH (Normalized Angular Choice), to analyze the street networks. These metrics are specifically designed to mitigate the influence of variations in street density, network size, and analysis radius across different regions in traditional calculations55, the calculations are based on the following two formulas56:
Rn stands for calculate radius. CH is the angular choice, and TD points to the angular total depth, NC means the node count of the street networks. Considering the area of the village and the number of streets in each community, the authors adopted the metric system and five radius gradients for comparison, including 100 m, 300 m, 500 m, 800 m, and 1000 m. Based on these results, 1000 m was ultimately chosen as the radius value for subsequent analysis because it best reflects the characteristics of spatial networks.
Moreover, synergy measures the consistency between the local integration and the global integration57. A value approaching 1 signifies a single-core space, while it approaching zero indicates a multi-core space, and it shows high coordination when R² is greater than 0.558,59. Intelligibility describes the linear correlation between connectivity and integration, with higher values denote greater clarity of spatial structure. With classifications as high (R² ≥0.7), moderate (0.4 ≤ R² < 0.7), low (0.2 ≤ R² < 0.4), and very low (R² < 0.2)54. Grid axiality describes the degree to which road axials deviate from an ideal rectangular grid axis, correlated with the formation of islands (I) and the number of axial lines (L)60. A value below 0.25 indicates low spatial axiality61, while a value approaching 1 suggests strong axiality. Curvature is the ratio of the number of axial lines to the number of road lines62, reflecting the extent of street axis deformation63 and its visual impact on spatial movement64, with higher values indicating greater deformation. Last but not least, The index of total depth, which refers to the sum of the topological depths from any node to all other nodes [50, p. 108], is used to reflect the overall connectivity of space to other spaces and its distance relationship with the entire network. The step depth refers to the number of shortest paths required between two locations65, and typically used to interpret the relationship between the interior and exterior, the lower the value, the closer the step distance from outdoor, and vice versa.
Results
The redder the color of axis analysis and convex space analysis in the figures, the higher the value, and the bluer the color, the lower the value. Table 3 codes the roads and dwellings in each community, and the code numbers are arranged from small to large according to the year of construction to distinguish the construction periods. The description of the dwellings’ space codes is provided in Table 1. Since CO5 doesn’t finish the interior construction of those buildings, but has built clear pedestrian paths, this article only analyzes the road network of CO5 and does not include its dwellings. D2, D3, and D4 have now become public buildings for visiting, so their specific locations are marked in Fig. 3. However, since there are still residents living in D1, the article won’t provide the exact locations for privacy protection.
Geographic patterns
In terms of topography, the regression analysis reveals that the internal road network of the Gemeinschaft has a multi-layered defense system that is related to elevation. Table 4 shows that the elevation has a significant impact on several space syntax variables, except for the road connectivity. The coefficients for choice and integration are 269.427 and 0.052 (p < 0.01), indicating that road centrality is more prominent in higher elevation areas within the overall spatial system. This suggests that high-altitude areas serve as strategic focal points within the settlement, making them ideal locations for the deployment of watchtowers, surveillance systems, and barriers to maintain control over the entire network. Conversely, elevation exhibits a significant negative impact on total depth (B = −9.760, p < 0.01), indicating that the lower-altitude areas exhibit reduced network accessibility and increased traversal complexity. These characteristics appear to be intentionally designed as defensive buffer zones to delay the advance of potential intruders toward the high-altitude regions.
Previous literature analyzing the road axial of Han villages in the Central Plains presents that roads with higher integration and lower depth values are predominantly concentrated around the primary road66,67, or the central areas of settlements68. In contrast, this result shows that the mountaintop ___location, specifically the edge to the west of CO3, is more centrally positioned within the road network. This suggests a shift in road centrality compared to traditional Han villages.
Besides, in order to explore the distribution characteristics in different communities, the authors extracted the center point of each dwelling and the corresponding courtyard for kernel density analysis. Figure 6a shows that CO3 and CO4 have the highest residential density, followed by CO2. This means that the population density of Han people who lived in big battalion and small battalion are much higher than the original Yi community. Figure 6b illustrates that the density of dwellings and courtyards in CO1 and CO2, exhibits a single-core feature, and the hottest spot area is located at the center of the community, facilitating the formation of a unified defense command system. In contrast, CO3 and CO4 adopts a dual-core feature, which contains two density centers in the distribution of dwellings. It can promote the bidirectional distribution of resources such as water, food, and weapons, thereby enhancing the defensive depth. Besides, the courtyard density of CO5 is much higher than the dwelling density, which indicates that the number of courtyards to the number of dwellings is higher than that of other communities.
a Dwellings. b Courtyards.
Furthermore, Table 5 presents the ratio of dwelling areas to corresponding courtyard areas. Overall, the area ratio of courtyards to dwellings demonstrates a hierarchy of CO4 > CO2 > CO5 > CO3 > CO1. The courtyard ratio of CO1 is significantly lower compared to other communities (ratio = 0.195), which indicates a minimal demand for courtyards in the construction of original Yi dwellings. The long and narrow courtyards not only provide protection from wind and sunlight but also enhance defense by utilizing the buildings themselves to enclose residents within a confined space.
The courtyard symbolizes the ancient Chinese cultural pursuit of harmony with nature and society69. The average courtyard area of CO4 is the largest (47.274 m2), and the average dwelling area of CO1 is larger than that of other communities (56.805 m2). With the continuous influx of Han people, although the appearance of the Tuzhangfang still retains the characteristics, the proportion of the courtyard area in the house has gradually increased, which is also the representation of the Han spatial construction thinking.
Moreover, the accessibility was analyzed by combining the data of road intersections (Fig. 7a) and walking speed (Fig. 7b). The walking speed of most people is between 0.8 to 1.8 meter per second70. Since this gap varies according to age and physical condition, the author selects an average walking speed of 1.40 m per second for this study. Figure 7c shows that the accessibility of CO5 is significantly higher than that of other communities. This may be because communities built after the 21st century no longer require defense and instead rely on high accessibility to boost the local tourism economy. The areas with the lowest accessibility are at the main entrance of CO3 and the junction area between CO2 and CO3. Generally, the accessibility value in the hinterland is lower than that of the periphery, which is similar to the Liangshan Yi ethnic villages studied by previous studies71, and is a typical military defensive feature.
a Number of road intersections. b Walk time. c Accessibility analysis.
According to Table 6 and Fig. 7a, the most common configuration is the three road intersections in all communities. CO4 has the highest number of dead-end roads and road intersections, which indicates that small battalions have smooth traffic flow. Meanwhile, since the entrances of Tuzhangfang are connected to the main road, there are many dead-end roads in CO4. Also, CO1 and CO2 have fewer road intersections, which shows that the early Yi aborigines mainly relied on rooftops for circulation instead of external roads.
Variations exist in internal landscape patterns, such as dwelling density distribution and the proportions of courtyards, particularly in the later CO4 communities. Nevertheless, the feng shui configurations and accessibility layouts reveal an alignment in the spatial cognitive structures of the Yi and Han ethnic groups, exemplified by the center-periphery accessibility pattern. The logical similarity within this macro-spatial structure enhances internal cohesion within the community, establishing a prerequisite for forming a defensive Gemeinschaft through the presentation of a uniform outward appearance.
Road networks
Table 7 presents the result of angular analysis model for the entire village, along with the individual values for each community. Regarding the NACH, mean values reveal an order of CO2 > CO5 > CO1 > CO3 > CO4. The mean value is 0.921, indicating a moderate level of traffic potential. In Fig. 8a, the highest area located at the hinterland, which is a grid structure attracts the most traffic flow. Due to the grid street structure offering more escape routes than the tree-like road structures in emergencies72, this area has been simplified and refined separately for further analysis in Table 8.
a NACH R1000. b Abstraction diagrammatic evolution with high value of NACH.
In Fig. 8b, a closed rhombus-shaped road with the highest NACH value forms a critical transit link within the network, serving as the core skeleton of the defensive system while creating a series of visual barriers. A secondary road with the next-highest NACH value traverses through the rhombus, supporting its internal traffic functions by creating multi-tiered road network. This configuration enhances the depth, flexibility, and resilience of the defense system, providing opportunities for localized defense and preemptive ambush strategies. The closed rhombus-shaped pattern mainly covered the areas of CO3 and CO4, connecting with the peripheral network of CO2 and the terminal roads of CO1. It facilitates frequent interactions among multiple ethnic groups within the Gemeinschaft, contributing to forming a tightly-knit social network.
The mean values of NAIN show a ranking of CO3 > CO2 > CO1 > CO4 = CO5. The mean value of NAIN for all areas is 0.272, and this statistical result is lower than the Yi villages in Liangshan71 and Han villages in the Central Plains73. It can be observed in Fig. 9a that areas with higher NAIN values are concentrated in the highest elevation area of CO3, which reflects that the top area of the village is strategic. The simplification process depicted in Fig. 9b reveals an open H-shaped road structure with the highest NAIN value, located at the highest elevation. This structure is framed by two secondary roads with slightly lower values intersecting its center. On one hand, this structure plays a critical role in facilitating transportation and social interaction. On the other hand, the elevated geographical position imbues it with symbolic authority, reinforcing the power center of the Gemeinschaft and manifesting a hierarchical power gradient from lower to higher elevations. Additionally, this structure can connect high-status dwellings constructed during the period of “transforming chieftainships into appointed officials”, such as General Li’s mansion, Tusi office and Zhao’s house. It integrated into a highly connected road, facilitating the rapid assembly of villagers at critical points during emergencies and spatially embodying the power structure.
a NAIN R1000. b Abstraction diagrammatic evolution with high value of NAIN.
After applying Min-Max Normalization to the aforementioned data, a star model is built for verifying the results of the angular analysis above. Indicators are rescaled to a unified range of [−3, 3], with 0 serving as the critical threshold for distinguishing high and low values. Figure 10 provides an intuitive visualization of the defensive system’s performance across different communities. Mean NACH (background) denotes the average traffic flow of roads on a global scale, whereas max NACH (foreground) represents the extreme traffic flow potential observed in individual roads within the entire network. Similarly, mean NAIN (background) indicates the average accessibility of the overall road network, while max NAIN (foreground) signifies the maximum accessibility achieved by specific road segments.
The star model analysis in different communities.
The values of the Foreground are significantly lower than those of the Background in the areas of CO2, CO1 and CO5. It implies that these communities lack a high-penetration route, while the defense system is designed to focus on decentralization, and reducing the risk by cutting off direct access and adding detours. the overall road network of these three communities exhibits lower connectivity to local routes. These characteristics form a delaying zone, effectively prolonging the time required for external intruders to reach the core area. This situation indicates that the functions of roads within the community exhibit homogeneity. The internal road layouts of these three communities show an indistinct hierarchical structure, lacking primary axes that could significantly guide and concentrate traffic flow. These characteristics can extend the time required for external intruders to reach the core area. In contrast, the Foreground values of CO3 and CO4 are significantly higher than those of the Background, indicating the presence of several high-potential traffic routes within the road network at the NACH level. As shown in Fig. 8a, b, these high-traffic roads predominantly span CO3 and CO4, connecting several key nodes such as the main entrance, sub-entrance and beacon tower, thereby enhancing the overall efficiency of the defense system. The NAIN analysis reveals significant integration advantages in certain roads within the network, particularly at higher altitudes in the CO3 region (Fig. 9a, b). This layout facilitates the coordination of all other communities for a unified defensive strategy, reflecting the cohesion and efficient organizational dynamics of the internal Gemeinschaft.
On the other hand, the spatial measurements show that the value of synergy for all areas is 0.252, highlighting the distinct multi-core spatial characteristics. The synergy values of CO3 and CO4 are all lower than 0.5, demonstrating low legibility. The intelligibility index plays an essential role in the perception of the spatial configuration74, and the intelligibility value in all areas is 0.057, which indicates a low likelihood of predicting the global structure from its local parts. This characterizes the confusion for outsiders, while locals are able to navigate the whole space quickly based on their familiarity with the local system.
The mean axiality value is 0.018, which shows a low degree of axial articulation. Confucianism emphasizes spatial hierarchical order, and high-degree axial roads are common spatial characteristics in Han historical cities63. In the axiality calculation, the values are all below 0.25. Even CO3 and CO4, which were formed after a large influx of Han people, did not show high axiality. The curvature values are ranked as CO5 > CO1 > CO3 > CO2 > CO4, and the mean value is 3.404, indicating a high road deformation. This is conducive to creating a narrowed field of vision and weakening visual penetration. The curvature value of CO1 is the highest among traditional communities, and the road deformation degree of the communities built after the influx of Han people gradually decreases.
It is worth further elaboration that all dwellings in CO1 are embedded in each other, so there are only one islands (I) formed by road enclosure. Moreover, the CO1 prefers to rely on rooftops rather than external roads to spatial circulation. Therefore, it is not reliable to look at the axiality and curvature of CO1 alone. The author recalculated CO1 and CO2 as one area. The result shows that the value of axiality is 0.036, which is lower than CO3 and CO5. The value of curvature is 3.494, which is higher than that of CO3 and CO4.
Dwelling layouts
The connectivity values, which are the number of spaces that a space needs to pass through to connect to other spaces directly [50, p. 103], are assigned in the justified graphs (Fig. 5b). The value of connectivity is present as D4 > D2 > D1 > D3 (Table 9), implying that there is a higher number of interconnect spaces in D4 and D2. As shown in Fig. 5b, D1, D2, and D4 have one highest connectivity node with multiple sub-centers, forming a network structure dominated by a single core. D3 has two highest connectivity nodes and one sub-center, shaping a relatively balanced multi-center structure. The synergy values show the hierarchy of D3 > D1 > D4 > D2. The local space of D3 and D1 is highly consistent with the overall spatial structure (synergy > 0.7), and the spatial structure of D2 and D4 show low coordination. The intelligibility values show the order of D3 > D1 > D2 > D4, it signifies that the overall spatial structure can be easily understood from the local position of D3 and D1 (intelligibility > 0.4), which lacks concealment at the defense levels. While the layout of D4 and D2 can increase the likelihood of strangers getting lost.
In terms of spatial centrality, the global integration values show the order of D2 > D3 > D1 > D4, while the local integration values are ranked as D2 > D4 > D3 > D1. The local integration value of D1 is less than 1, indicating that the internal space is relatively scattered. MH and VD in D1 have high integration values, which lacked a defensive hierarchy because the integration value of public and private space is approximately the same. Although the layout of D1 shows a red color in the center (Fig. 11a), the entrance is not located on the central axis, resulting in more tortuous paths within the space, which shows the strongest local spatial asymmetry. This design can effectively prevent external threats from infiltrating. It also reflects that the concept of Han spatial layout was not applied during the construction of early Yi community.
a Integration Rn. b Integration R3.
In contrast, D2 has the highest integration value in both global and local aspects, indicating that its internal spaces are tightly connected. The integration value of D3 shows a medium level. The highest local integration values in D2 and D3 are concentrated in VD (Fig. 11b), primarily using the passageway as a transportation hub. D4 has the lowest global integration, but its local integration is higher than others. This means that the local spaces of D4 are highly integrated with the surrounding areas, while remaining relatively isolated in the global system, such as MH and FH. D4 has two main parts including the owner’s house and servant’s quarter, and they are not located on a straight axis. However, the high values of integration areas in D4 are distributed along the relatively curved middle axis, which was influenced by the Confucian “Doctrine of the Mean” thought. Also, the areas with the highest global integration of D4 are CD and CY in the servants’ quarters (Fig. 11b), which suggests a deliberate concentration of the fluidity of daily activities in the servants’ quarters, while the master’s chambers are relatively more private, which is also a spatial manifestation of hierarchical thinking. On the other hand, VD refers to the open corridor beneath the eaves75, which serves as the throat connecting various spaces and enhances concealment by creating shadows within the space. It is evident that VD in all dwellings holds the most critical connection status. The integration values in CY are consistently lower than those in VD, while VD and CD demonstrate a high degree of aggregation, particularly in D2 and D4, indicating a greater reliance on passageways for spatial organization and centrality.
In the perspective of spatial Choice, D4 has the highest choice values both globally and locally, and the high-value areas are mostly located on the curved central axis of the layout (Fig. 12a), such as CY, CD, VD, FH, and MH, which play an important role in the path to other spaces. Each floor of D4 has one to two integration centers (Figs. 11b and 12b), such as CD, VD, TR, and CY on the first floor, WR on the east side of the second floor, and TR on the viewing tower, which is very different from the other dwellings. It can be proved that D4 consolidates the defensive hierarchy of the interior space through the layout characteristics of “stereoscopic defense”.
a Choice Rn. b Choice R3.
The global choice values of the other three dwellings show the hierarchy of D1 > D3 > D2, while the local choice values are in the range of D2 > D3 > D1. This signifies that D1 is more suitable for efficient circulation over long distances (Fig. 12a), while D2 is better adapted to short-distance daily activities in a local area (Fig. 12b). The spaces with high choice values in D1 are MH and VD, but MH is at a low level in the choices of other dwellings. As a private space, MF will weaken its privacy and defensiveness when frequently used as a passage, increasing its exposure to potential threats. Combining the integration data, D1 lacks defensive buffer zones. Consequently, the choice values between the most frequently accessed spaces in D2 and D3 lack continuity, which means some spaces with very low choice values are inserted between VD. This “fragmented defensive configuration” helps increase the difficulty for intruders to reach inside areas, guiding outsiders into less intuitive pathways.
In terms of spatial depth, a lower value of step depth signifies that it is easier to access the interior space from the outside. The step depth values are presented in the order of D4 > D1 > D2 > D3. The interior space of D4 is more distant from the exterior in its layout, while D3 is easier to access from the outside. Figure 4c illustrates that D3 has two entrances that are very close in alignment, providing more options for entering the space from outside.
Further, the order of traditional Chinese dwellings’ size and decoration is based on the feudal hierarchy, generally ranked from high to low as: main room > wing room > side room76. Figure 13a, b show that the depth value of the MR is high in D1, D2, and D3, but low in D4. The MR serves a defensive function in D1, D2, and D3, such as a secret room or shelter, as it reduces the potential risk of intrusion. However, in D4, the MR exhibits high centrality, the WR, SR, SQ, and GR conversely are situated at the greatest distance from the outside, indicating that auxiliary spaces are placed deeper within the overall layout. The interior spatial logics of these four dwellings have a certain degree of similarity to that of traditional Siheyuan (四合院)77, with the MR occupying a dominant position along the central axis. However, unlike in Siheyuan, the MR in D4 does not occupy the deepest part of the structure.
Step depth analysis of the dwellings of Meng, Yang, Zhao and General Li’s mansion.
Besides, in traditional Chinese construction, the East is considered noble, and the east wing rooms are comparatively larger than those in the west78. For example, the eldest son resides in the east wing, and the second son resides in the west wing. Figure 13 demonstrates that the depth of the SR and WR to the east of D4 is higher than that of the other bedrooms, indicating strong concealment, and their depth values are symmetrically distributed. On the other hand, in Han spatial layout, the MH is higher than all spaces79, and bedrooms are usually distributed symmetrically around the MH80,81. It can be seen that the MH of all dwellings is distributed along the central axis, and the depth values of the MR and WR on both sides of the MH in D1, D2, and D3 are identical. It can reflect the influence of Han culture on local housing construction. Overall, the differentiation within Gemeinschaft is more pronounced at the micro-spatial level than at the macro level, particularly at the level of functional layout of spaces. Although the traditional Chinese hierarchy thought and the concept of the Doctrine of the Mean have been expressed spatially, there are differences in the functional layout of the same level space.
Comprehensive analysis
In conclusion, strong cohesion within a village exhibits a positive dialectical relationship with external threats, particularly in frontier regions. The cohabitation of different ethnic minorities in the same region always leads to frequent interactions82. A strong Gemeinschaft structure is firmly grounded in its ongoing absorption of multiple ethnic cultures, particularly within the context of external defense. The Gemeinschaft structure of Chengzi village does not show stability, and the spatial integration between the Yi and Han ethnic groups is bidirectional. The continuous incorporation of Han defensive culture gradually triggered periodic changes in spatial cognition, ultimately developing into one of the largest defensive Gemeinschafts in the southwestern frontier region. As a typical defensive Gemeinschaft, it reflects the dynamic evolution of a multi-ethnic cognitive structure through the spatial-temporal evolution of its spatial organization in three aspects.
First, the similarity in the overarching macro-logic of layout is a prerequisite for strengthen internal cohesion within the village, such as the shared strategic central ___location between ethnicities. However, the distribution density of dwellings still shows different cluster features. The early dwellings exhibited a single-core feature, adopting a centralized defensive layout. By the late Qing Dynasty, the frontier Han communities displayed a dual-core feature, which enhanced defensive flexibility.
Second, some of the original spatial defensive features of the Yi people have shaped the meso-spatial forms of frontier Han communities. In terms of road organization, CO3 and CO4, which were formed after a large influx of Han people, did not exhibit the typical “mirror symmetry” logic found in the road planning of the Central Plains Han. Instead, a skeleton road framework connecting the original Yi communities was built. Moreover, the internal framework adopted for integrating two groups under the defensive attributes can also be observed at the meso level. Closed rhombus-shaped and opened H-shaped road systems are adopted for defense purposes. The primary road skeleton and secondary road bridge are interwoven within the spatial network, forming a composite defensive structure, which is a Yi-Han defensive road model. It can create a multi-tiered road network that strengthens social ties and reinforces power relations within the Gemeinschaft. They integrate administrative institutions, resource management, and transportation networks, while secondary roads provide redundant pathways.
Third, cultural beliefs have a strong stability in shaping micro-spatial forms. The hierarchical concept of “respecting elders and maintaining order” and the philosophy of “the Doctrine of the Mean” and “hierarchical structure” are reflected in the interior layouts of early Yi communities. Also, the proportion of courtyard areas in Tuzhangfang gradually increased, reflecting a certain degree of continuity with traditional Han architectural principles. Although the traditional Chinese thoughts had been significantly expressed spatially, the differentiation within Gemeinschaft is more pronounced at the micro-spatial level than at the macro level, particularly there are differences in the functional layout of the same space. Unlike traditional Han dwellings in the Central Plains, which emphasize the centrality of courtyards as the focal point of the house, early Yi dwellings prioritize the defensive function of the passageway rather than the courtyards.
Yi and Han did not regard each other as immutable “objects”, but rather shifted the subject-object dichotomy toward a unified state of coexistence. A part of Yi ethnic defensive spatial characteristics still has been preserved and significantly influenced the border Han communities. On the other side, new spatial defensive structures have developed through prolonged community interactions. These structures did not fully replicate the spatial logic of Han and Yi but originate from the historical period’s defense demands by opening a coexistent “passage” in the Gemeinschaft, and are a concrete manifestation of “Gemeinschaft recognition of Yi-Han ethnic” in spatial construction.
Discussion
Although Chengzi Village is among the first batch of villages included in the “Directory of Traditional Chinese Villages,” it faces challenges of demolition and depopulation due to large-scale relocation. This has resulted in a traditional village with heritage values struggling to adapt to modern societal demands83. Therefore, it is highly valuable to examine the village’s distinctive spatial structure and the driving forces behind the morphology. These findings can provide valuable insights for informing heritage conservation. First, the conclusions can assist local heritage preservation agencies by emphasizing the spatial characteristics of the village’s different communities. For instance, digital reconstruction of the spatial features of each community can exhibit the historical developments of cultural integration between the Han and Yi ethnics. Second, the “macro-meso-micro” methodology proposed in this paper can be applied to studies of multi-ethnic villages in border areas. By examining different communities within the same village under historical contexts, this approach allows for a more comprehensive and detailed reflection of the village’s cultural diversity and historical significance. It also helps avoid a “one-size-fits-all approach” in heritage preservation by enabling differentiated protection and restoration strategies tailored to the unique characteristics of each community. Third, these defensive strategies can offer valuable insights into modern urban planning, contributing to the creation of safer communities.
Overall, though this study provides scientific results in discussing frontier defensive villages, it still has limitations in two aspects. The article focuses on the differences and commonalities within different communities of one village, without conducting a comparative study with the other Han villages in the border areas. On the other hand, it does not include a spatial-temporal comparison between multi-ethnic traditional villages and single-ethnic traditional villages in frontier regions. In future work, the authors will expand the study scope to remedy these gaps.
Data availability
No datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study.
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Acknowledgements
This study was funded by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No. 19ZDA191) and the High-End Think Tank Project of Central South University (Grant No. 2022znzk09). The funder played no role in study design, data collection, analysis and interpretation of data, or the writing of this manuscript.
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N.Z.: Conceptualization, Writing the Paper, Methodology, Formal Analysis, Investigation. L.Z.: Resources, Funding Acquisition, Review and Editing. Y.S.: Formal Analysis, Validation, Investigation. Z.S.: Methodology, Investigation. Q.C.: Visualization, Investigation. H.D.: Data curation, Investigation. All the authors have read and approved the final manuscript.
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Zhang, N., Zhu, L., Sun, Y. et al. Spatial temporal evolution characteristics of defensive traditional community in Southwest China with a case study of Chengzi village in Yunnan. npj Herit. Sci. 13, 178 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1038/s40494-025-01777-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1038/s40494-025-01777-w
